The politics of beer

John McCain's curious relationship with the alcohol industry includes a family connection to the Ruidoso Downs.

ALBUQUERQUE—John McCain's wife, as you all know by now, is beer heiress Cindy Hensley McCain. What you may not know (or remember) is that Cindy McCain's father and uncle — former bootleggers — owned the Ruidoso Downs racetrack in the 1950s. Back then the Hensleys caused quite a stir with their connections to a reputed mob boss named Kemper Marley, who later was implicated in the 1976 bombing death of Arizona investigative journalist Don Bolles.

It brings up the larger story of McCain's intimate connections to the liquor lobby, how those connections have helped him and how they might affect him as a president.

But first, back to Ruidoso Downs. In February 2008, a post on Daily Kos rehashed McCain's in-laws' activities in New Mexico, citing an Albuquerque Journal story from 1977 ("Ruidoso Race Track Owners Tied to Arizona Gambling") and a story in the Phoenix New Times from 2000.

From the 1977 Journal story:

Eugene V. Hensley and his brother James W. Hensley, who purchased controlling stock of Ruidoso Racing Association in December 1952, once worked for and with Kemper Marley, Phoenix millionaire rancher and wholesale liquor dealer. And When the Hensley brothers purchased control of the Lincoln County track, Phoenix gambler Clarence E. "Teak" Baldwin simultaneously bought one-third of the race track stock — something the Hensleys denied in a State Racing Commission hearing in May 1953. Marley, 70, was named recently in a police affadavit as the man who requested the contract killings of Arizona Republic reporter Don Bolles, slain in a bomb attack last June and Arizona Attorney General Bruce Babbitt.

What makes this even vaguely relevant is the fact that without his father-in-law (the bootlegger, racetrack owner and then beer distributor),McCain probably never would have been elected to Congress in the first place. As the Houston Press reported in 2000:

...beer baron James Willis Hensley's money and influence provided a complement to McCain's charisma and compelling personal story and launched him to a seat in Congress — and perhaps to the White House. ...His first job in Arizona was as a public affairs agent for Hensley & Company. He was paid $50,000 in 1982 to travel the state, touting the company's wares. But he was promoting himself as much as he was Budweiser beer. A better job description might have been "candidate."

While McCain blasts his colleagues for falling prey to the influences of campaign contributions, the senator's record reveals his quiet support for the business that launched and has helped maintain his career. When he was elected to Congress, McCain swore he'd recuse himself on all votes related to the alcohol industry, given his father-in-law's and wife's business. And he has. But such votes are relatively insignificant when compared to other powers endowed on a senator — particularly a senior senator who chairs an influential committee.

Particularly if the senator is John McCain, the committee is the powerful Senate Commerce Committee, and the issue is alcohol. The Senate Commerce Committee has a number of alcohol-related issues in its purview, including the labeling of alcoholic beverages and the regulation of alcohol advertising. But you wouldn't know it from looking at the committee's agenda since McCain took its reins [in 1997]. John McCain's influence regarding alcohol-related legislation comes from his inaction, rather than action. As a committee chairman, McCain has the unilateral power to kill a bill simply by refusing to put it on a committee agenda or schedule hearings. And since McCain was elected chairman of the committee in January 1997, that's exactly what has happened. George Hacker, director of the Alcohol Policies Project of the Center for Science in the Public Interest, says it's very hard to get alcohol-related legislation heard in Congress, and more difficult since McCain took the helm of the Senate Commerce Committee. "Having someone with no interest and who really refuses to take an interest in alcohol is a serious problem in the Commerce Committee," Hacker says.

In March 2008, the Boston Globe tackled the issue of how McCain's ties to the booze lobby would affect him as president:

If McCain were to become president, he would be obliged to either sign or veto bills related to the alcohol industry. And while some public-interest groups have applauded McCain for trying to avoid a conflict in Congress, some industry watchdogs are concerned that if McCain is elected president, he may have to pass judgment on a new series of alcohol-related measures. Already, the beer industry is lobbying heavily to rescind a 1991 beer-tax hike. There is also a movement to lower federal guidelines on the drinking age.

The alcohol lobby is one of the most influential in Washington. Although McCain has recused himself on alcohol issues, he has not refused the industry's money. Out of all candidates for all federal offices in 2008 — the White House, Senate, and House — McCain has received more alcohol industry money than all but two. The top recipient was Senator Hillary Clinton of New York, with $210,750,

According to the most recent data, the largest contributors in the liquor lobby are the National Beer Wholesalers Association (NBWA) and Anheuser-Busch. Anheuser-Busch gave most of its contributions to John McCain—whose wife is an Anheuser Busch distributor.

In the 2007-2008 election cycle, the National Beer Wholesalers Association has spread its congressional campaign contributions pretty evenly between Democrats and Republicans, although it normally gives much more money to Republicans.

In New Mexico, the National Beer Wholesalers Association has picked its candidate in the Senate race: Steve Pearce. From 2002-2007, the NBWA has given Pearce $37,500. It gave nothing to Reps. Heather Wilson and Tom Udall or Sen. Jeff Bingaman. Sen. Pete Domenici received a total of $7,500 during that same period of time.

(By the way, before his murder, Don Bolles had been a member of the group Investigative Reporters and Editors (IRE). After his death, a team of dozens of IRE members from 10 different newspapers and stations spent a year working to uncover the corruption that caused the implicated parties to strap 10 sticks of dynamite to Bolles' car. Their collective effort, called the Arizona Project, resulted in 18 indictments. After decades in an Arizona impound lot, Don Bolles' car is now at the center of the Journalists Memorial (a tribute to journalists who have died pursuing the news) at the Newseum in Washington, D.C.)

 

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'08 Election, Culture, Politics